Ann Black is a constituency representative on the National Executive Committee and the National Policy Forum, elected by all members in a ballot every two years. She is also secretary of Oxford East Labour Party and a member of UNISON. She is committed to reporting back to members and to reflecting their views, and always welcomes comments, questions and feedback to annblack50@btinternet,com
The NEC spent the first day discussing priorities for the year ahead: winning elections, financial stability, and a party renewed through enhanced engagement with members and the public. Harriet Harman reassured us that despite coming down to earth after an incredibly successful conference there was no need to feel demoralised: Labour was sure of its direction and its ability to deliver progressive change. Families, in all shapes and sizes, should be a key theme of the spring conference, and she agreed with the suggestion that equal pay should be featured. She was working with the unions, particularly their women members, though Andy Kerr of the CWU pointed out that 130,000 unhappy postal workers made it hard to fight off calls for disaffiliation.
The spotlight in next May’s elections would be on London, but marginal areas had been identified throughout the country. In 2004, the last time these seats were fought, Labour did not do well, so we could expect some gains. The leadership election had increased recruitment and cut the numbers lapsing or resigning, and membership in 2007 was likely to show a much smaller decline than in 2006. Modest increases in staffing would start to build towards a general election, though requests for a full-time youth officer are unlikely to be met, and Campaign Creator, replacing the Labour.contact software, was being rolled out nationwide. The Tories had walked out of Hayden Phillips’ talks on party funding, but Labour still hoped to legislate to end the spending arms race.
While targeting resources is sensible, several of us argued that no constituency should be ignored, because all members are important, and because every vote will count in the European list-based elections. Harriet Harman promised to encourage ministers to meet members between official engagements. Some MPs were helping east European migrants against exploitative employers, illegal deductions and overcrowded accommodation, and they are entitled to register and to vote. The BNP were a threat, but could also be a motivating factor for activists. And I was not sure we had found the right tactics to deal with Boris Johnson, who may attract the same people who used to vote for Ken.
Partnership in Power – the Next Steps
Consultation on the second-year policy documents closes at the end of February, and the policy commissions will then draft final documents to be sent out on 2 May. Constituencies will have until 20 June to submit amendments to their national policy forum representatives, who will decide by 4 July which ones to take forward to the final forum meeting on 24-27 July 2008. There were concerns about amendments being ignored by unsympathetic regional representatives, but they can also be sent to myself and other constituency NEC members, who are elected in a national ballot.
Progress was reported on some of the resolutions referred from conference, with the prosperity at work commission holding a three-hour meeting and the housing motions passed to the existing subgroup, but the movers of the equality composites are still waiting. Mike Griffiths stressed that the sceptics had to be won over. The joint policy committee must consider new questions: should policy commissions take votes, and include minority positions in their reports? He suggested that the JPC, itself the executive for the NPF, should have an inner executive, along the lines of the NEC officers. The NPF Chair Pat McFadden repeated that every member would have an input to policy, and constituencies would be asked how they carried out their “duty to consult”, but there is no sign of an end to the black hole into which submissions vanish, and about which so many complain. An NPF newsletter cannot provide the personalised service considered essential by Labour in government.
The Morning After
The formal meeting followed on Tuesday. The Chair Dianne Hayter announced that Sally Powell was sadly unable to continue as vice-chair due to family circumstances, and Cath Speight was elected, bypassing Christine Shawcroft who was next in line under the unwritten Buggins Turn convention.
When Gordon Brown joined us he said that after tackling current issues we should start the manifesto debate in the New Year and take ownership of the future. He accepted full responsibility for the events of the autumn, and would work on getting our attack right, against a Tory party which offered employment, education and opportunity only for some, while Labour would provide for all. We knew how much had to be done in organising for the next election, but we also knew we could do it.
Christine Shawcroft praised positive features of the Queen’s speech, including housing and reducing private sector involvement in the NHS. Others welcomed the increase in apprenticeships, but asked how closing Remploy factories squared with stiffer tests for incapacity benefit. Dennis Skinner called for the government to take over Northern Rock, if only on a temporary basis, and Gordon Brown pointed out that the Tories didn’t care if mortgage-holders lost their homes. He promised that the low pay commission would look at whether younger workers should still receive a lower minimum wage.
War and Peace
Walter Wolfgang asked for a commitment that Britain would never participate in or condone military action against Iran. Sanctions played into the hands of Iranian hardliners, and the United States allowed Israel, India and Pakistan to hold nuclear weapons. Gordon Brown responded that Iran was reneging on the non-proliferation treaty which they had signed. He believed that sanctions backed by the international community, coupled with help in developing civil nuclear power, would be effective.
Walter also proposed a resolution, seconded by Christine Shawcroft, that terrorist suspects should not be detained without charge beyond 28 days. Pete Willsman quoted John Stuart Mill on liberty, and cited opponents, including former attorney-general Lord Goldsmith and, at first, Lord West. Gordon Brown said he was seeking consensus on when longer detention could be justified, and on necessary safeguards. He was supported by Harriet Harman and others, who argued that comparisons with other countries were spurious and people could actually be locked up for months. Also the human rights act could override any law. Dennis Skinner pointed out that even if the vote was won in the Commons it would be lost in the Lords. The NEC voted to refer the resolution to the crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission, with six against (Dennis, Pete, Christine, Walter, myself and Andy Kerr).
Gordon Brown then had to leave, though at the time we did not know that Alistair Darling would shortly announce the lost child benefit data. I handed in written questions on (a) how tough talk on climate change could be reconciled with airport expansion (b) the impact of airport-style security at stations on rail travel (c) whether so-called lie-detector tests are planned for benefit claimants and (d) how to make education until the age of 18 attractive, not just two more years’ incarceration.
Selections and Conferences
The NEC agreed proposals for fast-track approval of selected parliamentary candidates and applicants for the national panel, until the backlog is cleared. Regional directors will decide if a full interview is needed, and if not, candidates will be assessed over the telephone by the director and a member of the NEC or the regional board. The trigger timetable for MEPs standing in the 2009 Euro-elections had still not reached constituencies, and as the deadline was 31 January, I asked that decisions by general committees should be the norm, rather than the full branch-based process. This was accepted. Finally a number of all-women shortlists were endorsed, though Airdrie and Shotts will get a further visit.
Margaret Wheeler reported positive feedback from conference on stewarding and security, but the usual complaints about too many longwinded platform speakers. This time 525 delegates from 501 constituencies attended, similar to previous years. Pete Willsman highlighted the problems of constituencies permanently excluded because they cannot find women delegates, and I am lobbying for an NEC rule change to help with this. Pete also pointed out that we have still not had the full results from the 2006 conference and NEC elections. I raised the lack of affordable accommodation in Manchester next year, and 400 more rooms at under £100 a night are now being released to delegates.
Immediately after the meeting I attended the council of the party of European socialists in Sofia as part of the Labour delegation, which gave interesting insights into the perspective of sister parties. There was particular concern about rising tension as Kosovo seeks full independence. Denis Macshane MP and international manager Rachel Cowburn defended Britain’s red lines and ensured that policy documents were acceptable as the basis for the 2009 Europe-wide socialist manifesto, and these are available for consultation at http://manifesto2009.pes.org/
Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members – and supporters - as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.
The NEC spent the first day discussing priorities for the year ahead: winning elections, financial stability, and a party renewed through enhanced engagement with members and the public. Harriet Harman reassured us that despite coming down to earth after an incredibly successful conference there was no need to feel demoralised: Labour was sure of its direction and its ability to deliver progressive change. Families, in all shapes and sizes, should be a key theme of the spring conference, and she agreed with the suggestion that equal pay should be featured. She was working with the unions, particularly their women members, though Andy Kerr of the CWU pointed out that 130,000 unhappy postal workers made it hard to fight off calls for disaffiliation.
The spotlight in next May’s elections would be on London, but marginal areas had been identified throughout the country. In 2004, the last time these seats were fought, Labour did not do well, so we could expect some gains. The leadership election had increased recruitment and cut the numbers lapsing or resigning, and membership in 2007 was likely to show a much smaller decline than in 2006. Modest increases in staffing would start to build towards a general election, though requests for a full-time youth officer are unlikely to be met, and Campaign Creator, replacing the Labour.contact software, was being rolled out nationwide. The Tories had walked out of Hayden Phillips’ talks on party funding, but Labour still hoped to legislate to end the spending arms race.
While targeting resources is sensible, several of us argued that no constituency should be ignored, because all members are important, and because every vote will count in the European list-based elections. Harriet Harman promised to encourage ministers to meet members between official engagements. Some MPs were helping east European migrants against exploitative employers, illegal deductions and overcrowded accommodation, and they are entitled to register and to vote. The BNP were a threat, but could also be a motivating factor for activists. And I was not sure we had found the right tactics to deal with Boris Johnson, who may attract the same people who used to vote for Ken.
Partnership in Power – the Next Steps
Consultation on the second-year policy documents closes at the end of February, and the policy commissions will then draft final documents to be sent out on 2 May. Constituencies will have until 20 June to submit amendments to their national policy forum representatives, who will decide by 4 July which ones to take forward to the final forum meeting on 24-27 July 2008. There were concerns about amendments being ignored by unsympathetic regional representatives, but they can also be sent to myself and other constituency NEC members, who are elected in a national ballot.
Progress was reported on some of the resolutions referred from conference, with the prosperity at work commission holding a three-hour meeting and the housing motions passed to the existing subgroup, but the movers of the equality composites are still waiting. Mike Griffiths stressed that the sceptics had to be won over. The joint policy committee must consider new questions: should policy commissions take votes, and include minority positions in their reports? He suggested that the JPC, itself the executive for the NPF, should have an inner executive, along the lines of the NEC officers. The NPF Chair Pat McFadden repeated that every member would have an input to policy, and constituencies would be asked how they carried out their “duty to consult”, but there is no sign of an end to the black hole into which submissions vanish, and about which so many complain. An NPF newsletter cannot provide the personalised service considered essential by Labour in government.
The Morning After
The formal meeting followed on Tuesday. The Chair Dianne Hayter announced that Sally Powell was sadly unable to continue as vice-chair due to family circumstances, and Cath Speight was elected, bypassing Christine Shawcroft who was next in line under the unwritten Buggins Turn convention.
When Gordon Brown joined us he said that after tackling current issues we should start the manifesto debate in the New Year and take ownership of the future. He accepted full responsibility for the events of the autumn, and would work on getting our attack right, against a Tory party which offered employment, education and opportunity only for some, while Labour would provide for all. We knew how much had to be done in organising for the next election, but we also knew we could do it.
Christine Shawcroft praised positive features of the Queen’s speech, including housing and reducing private sector involvement in the NHS. Others welcomed the increase in apprenticeships, but asked how closing Remploy factories squared with stiffer tests for incapacity benefit. Dennis Skinner called for the government to take over Northern Rock, if only on a temporary basis, and Gordon Brown pointed out that the Tories didn’t care if mortgage-holders lost their homes. He promised that the low pay commission would look at whether younger workers should still receive a lower minimum wage.
War and Peace
Walter Wolfgang asked for a commitment that Britain would never participate in or condone military action against Iran. Sanctions played into the hands of Iranian hardliners, and the United States allowed Israel, India and Pakistan to hold nuclear weapons. Gordon Brown responded that Iran was reneging on the non-proliferation treaty which they had signed. He believed that sanctions backed by the international community, coupled with help in developing civil nuclear power, would be effective.
Walter also proposed a resolution, seconded by Christine Shawcroft, that terrorist suspects should not be detained without charge beyond 28 days. Pete Willsman quoted John Stuart Mill on liberty, and cited opponents, including former attorney-general Lord Goldsmith and, at first, Lord West. Gordon Brown said he was seeking consensus on when longer detention could be justified, and on necessary safeguards. He was supported by Harriet Harman and others, who argued that comparisons with other countries were spurious and people could actually be locked up for months. Also the human rights act could override any law. Dennis Skinner pointed out that even if the vote was won in the Commons it would be lost in the Lords. The NEC voted to refer the resolution to the crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission, with six against (Dennis, Pete, Christine, Walter, myself and Andy Kerr).
Gordon Brown then had to leave, though at the time we did not know that Alistair Darling would shortly announce the lost child benefit data. I handed in written questions on (a) how tough talk on climate change could be reconciled with airport expansion (b) the impact of airport-style security at stations on rail travel (c) whether so-called lie-detector tests are planned for benefit claimants and (d) how to make education until the age of 18 attractive, not just two more years’ incarceration.
Selections and Conferences
The NEC agreed proposals for fast-track approval of selected parliamentary candidates and applicants for the national panel, until the backlog is cleared. Regional directors will decide if a full interview is needed, and if not, candidates will be assessed over the telephone by the director and a member of the NEC or the regional board. The trigger timetable for MEPs standing in the 2009 Euro-elections had still not reached constituencies, and as the deadline was 31 January, I asked that decisions by general committees should be the norm, rather than the full branch-based process. This was accepted. Finally a number of all-women shortlists were endorsed, though Airdrie and Shotts will get a further visit.
Margaret Wheeler reported positive feedback from conference on stewarding and security, but the usual complaints about too many longwinded platform speakers. This time 525 delegates from 501 constituencies attended, similar to previous years. Pete Willsman highlighted the problems of constituencies permanently excluded because they cannot find women delegates, and I am lobbying for an NEC rule change to help with this. Pete also pointed out that we have still not had the full results from the 2006 conference and NEC elections. I raised the lack of affordable accommodation in Manchester next year, and 400 more rooms at under £100 a night are now being released to delegates.
Immediately after the meeting I attended the council of the party of European socialists in Sofia as part of the Labour delegation, which gave interesting insights into the perspective of sister parties. There was particular concern about rising tension as Kosovo seeks full independence. Denis Macshane MP and international manager Rachel Cowburn defended Britain’s red lines and ensured that policy documents were acceptable as the basis for the 2009 Europe-wide socialist manifesto, and these are available for consultation at http://manifesto2009.pes.org/
Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members – and supporters - as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.
The NEC spent the first day discussing priorities for the year ahead: winning elections, financial stability, and a party renewed through enhanced engagement with members and the public. Harriet Harman reassured us that despite coming down to earth after an incredibly successful conference there was no need to feel demoralised: Labour was sure of its direction and its ability to deliver progressive change. Families, in all shapes and sizes, should be a key theme of the spring conference, and she agreed with the suggestion that equal pay should be featured. She was working with the unions, particularly their women members, though Andy Kerr of the CWU pointed out that 130,000 unhappy postal workers made it hard to fight off calls for disaffiliation.
The spotlight in next May’s elections would be on London, but marginal areas had been identified throughout the country. In 2004, the last time these seats were fought, Labour did not do well, so we could expect some gains. The leadership election had increased recruitment and cut the numbers lapsing or resigning, and membership in 2007 was likely to show a much smaller decline than in 2006. Modest increases in staffing would start to build towards a general election, though requests for a full-time youth officer are unlikely to be met, and Campaign Creator, replacing the Labour.contact software, was being rolled out nationwide. The Tories had walked out of Hayden Phillips’ talks on party funding, but Labour still hoped to legislate to end the spending arms race.
While targeting resources is sensible, several of us argued that no constituency should be ignored, because all members are important, and because every vote will count in the European list-based elections. Harriet Harman promised to encourage ministers to meet members between official engagements. Some MPs were helping east European migrants against exploitative employers, illegal deductions and overcrowded accommodation, and they are entitled to register and to vote. The BNP were a threat, but could also be a motivating factor for activists. And I was not sure we had found the right tactics to deal with Boris Johnson, who may attract the same people who used to vote for Ken.
Partnership in Power – the Next Steps
Consultation on the second-year policy documents closes at the end of February, and the policy commissions will then draft final documents to be sent out on 2 May. Constituencies will have until 20 June to submit amendments to their national policy forum representatives, who will decide by 4 July which ones to take forward to the final forum meeting on 24-27 July 2008. There were concerns about amendments being ignored by unsympathetic regional representatives, but they can also be sent to myself and other constituency NEC members, who are elected in a national ballot.
Progress was reported on some of the resolutions referred from conference, with the prosperity at work commission holding a three-hour meeting and the housing motions passed to the existing subgroup, but the movers of the equality composites are still waiting. Mike Griffiths stressed that the sceptics had to be won over. The joint policy committee must consider new questions: should policy commissions take votes, and include minority positions in their reports? He suggested that the JPC, itself the executive for the NPF, should have an inner executive, along the lines of the NEC officers. The NPF Chair Pat McFadden repeated that every member would have an input to policy, and constituencies would be asked how they carried out their “duty to consult”, but there is no sign of an end to the black hole into which submissions vanish, and about which so many complain. An NPF newsletter cannot provide the personalised service considered essential by Labour in government.
The Morning After
The formal meeting followed on Tuesday. The Chair Dianne Hayter announced that Sally Powell was sadly unable to continue as vice-chair due to family circumstances, and Cath Speight was elected, bypassing Christine Shawcroft who was next in line under the unwritten Buggins Turn convention.
When Gordon Brown joined us he said that after tackling current issues we should start the manifesto debate in the New Year and take ownership of the future. He accepted full responsibility for the events of the autumn, and would work on getting our attack right, against a Tory party which offered employment, education and opportunity only for some, while Labour would provide for all. We knew how much had to be done in organising for the next election, but we also knew we could do it.
Christine Shawcroft praised positive features of the Queen’s speech, including housing and reducing private sector involvement in the NHS. Others welcomed the increase in apprenticeships, but asked how closing Remploy factories squared with stiffer tests for incapacity benefit. Dennis Skinner called for the government to take over Northern Rock, if only on a temporary basis, and Gordon Brown pointed out that the Tories didn’t care if mortgage-holders lost their homes. He promised that the low pay commission would look at whether younger workers should still receive a lower minimum wage.
War and Peace
Walter Wolfgang asked for a commitment that Britain would never participate in or condone military action against Iran. Sanctions played into the hands of Iranian hardliners, and the United States allowed Israel, India and Pakistan to hold nuclear weapons. Gordon Brown responded that Iran was reneging on the non-proliferation treaty which they had signed. He believed that sanctions backed by the international community, coupled with help in developing civil nuclear power, would be effective.
Walter also proposed a resolution, seconded by Christine Shawcroft, that terrorist suspects should not be detained without charge beyond 28 days. Pete Willsman quoted John Stuart Mill on liberty, and cited opponents, including former attorney-general Lord Goldsmith and, at first, Lord West. Gordon Brown said he was seeking consensus on when longer detention could be justified, and on necessary safeguards. He was supported by Harriet Harman and others, who argued that comparisons with other countries were spurious and people could actually be locked up for months. Also the human rights act could override any law. Dennis Skinner pointed out that even if the vote was won in the Commons it would be lost in the Lords. The NEC voted to refer the resolution to the crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission, with six against (Dennis, Pete, Christine, Walter, myself and Andy Kerr).
Gordon Brown then had to leave, though at the time we did not know that Alistair Darling would shortly announce the lost child benefit data. I handed in written questions on (a) how tough talk on climate change could be reconciled with airport expansion (b) the impact of airport-style security at stations on rail travel (c) whether so-called lie-detector tests are planned for benefit claimants and (d) how to make education until the age of 18 attractive, not just two more years’ incarceration.
Selections and Conferences
The NEC agreed proposals for fast-track approval of selected parliamentary candidates and applicants for the national panel, until the backlog is cleared. Regional directors will decide if a full interview is needed, and if not, candidates will be assessed over the telephone by the director and a member of the NEC or the regional board. The trigger timetable for MEPs standing in the 2009 Euro-elections had still not reached constituencies, and as the deadline was 31 January, I asked that decisions by general committees should be the norm, rather than the full branch-based process. This was accepted. Finally a number of all-women shortlists were endorsed, though Airdrie and Shotts will get a further visit.
Margaret Wheeler reported positive feedback from conference on stewarding and security, but the usual complaints about too many longwinded platform speakers. This time 525 delegates from 501 constituencies attended, similar to previous years. Pete Willsman highlighted the problems of constituencies permanently excluded because they cannot find women delegates, and I am lobbying for an NEC rule change to help with this. Pete also pointed out that we have still not had the full results from the 2006 conference and NEC elections. I raised the lack of affordable accommodation in Manchester next year, and 400 more rooms at under £100 a night are now being released to delegates.
Immediately after the meeting I attended the council of the party of European socialists in Sofia as part of the Labour delegation, which gave interesting insights into the perspective of sister parties. There was particular concern about rising tension as Kosovo seeks full independence. Denis Macshane MP and international manager Rachel Cowburn defended Britain’s red lines and ensured that policy documents were acceptable as the basis for the 2009 Europe-wide socialist manifesto, and these are available for consultation at http://manifesto2009.pes.org/
Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members – and supporters - as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.
The full NEC has not met since conference, but below is an update on forthcoming events and recent developments. As always, questions and comments are welcome.
National Spring Conference, Birmingham, 29th February / 2nd March 2008
The 2007 spring programme, with dozens of regional events, was well-received but very demanding of staff time and resources. For 2008 Labour is returning to the traditional format, with keynote speakers and policy and campaigning seminars. The weekend will include the local government and women’s conferences, with Europe mainstreamed throughout. Further details should be available on the website and from your constituency secretary.
Annual Conference 2008
This will take place in Manchester from Sunday 21st to Thursday 25th September 2008. The provisional timetable is below:
December 2007 / January 2008 – mailing to constituencies and affiliates inviting nominations for national committees and officers.
Tuesday 1st April 2008 – deadline for constituencies to nominate candidates for the national executive committee, the conference arrangements committee and the national constitutional committee.
Tuesday 1st April 2008 – also the deadline for sending constituency delegates’ names (late applications may be accepted, but you should not rely on this).
Friday 6th June 2008 – deadline for affiliates to send delegates’ names, and to nominate for the trade union sections of the CAC and the NCC and the affiliate section of the national policy forum. Initial deadline for visitors’ applications.
Friday 6th June 2008 – also the deadline for submission of constitutional amendments. (NB A constituency / affiliate may submit either a constitutional amendment or a contemporary issue, but not both.)10 a.m. Friday 12th September 2008 (to be confirmed) – deadline for submission of contemporary issues, defined in no more than ten words and supported with an explanation of why they should be prioritised. These must deal with matters not substantially addressed by reports from the national policy forum and the NEC. Further guidance is awaited on whether the criteria are the same as for contemporary motions, which had to refer to events after 31st July.
12 noon Friday 19th September 2008 (to be confirmed) – deadline for submission of emergency resolutions, or emergency issues. (The rulebook still refers to emergency resolutions, but they may be treated in the same way as contemporary issues.) These must relate to a matter arising after 12th September 2007.
Annual Conference 2009
For those who plan far into the future, a reader tells me that this will be held from Sunday 27th September to Thursday 1st October 2009, in Brighton.
Parliamentary Selections
I and other constituency representatives have lobbied persistently for decisions to be made as soon as possible, particularly for seats which need to know whether they will select from an all-women shortlist. There is likely to be a special meeting of the organisation committee on 19th or 20th November, at the time of the NEC awayday/November meeting. I hope by then we will have all necessary information from regional offices, and can enable constituencies to start the selection process.
Local Elections 2008 / 2009
Guidance is now available on procedures for selecting candidates for local elections, including the new unitary authorities, in 2008 and 2009, building on successful positive action over the last cycle. Regional directors are responsible for ensuring that these are implemented effectively.
European SelectionsWhatever the timing of the next general election, there will definitely be elections to the European parliament in June 2009, and regional lists will be in place by 12th March 2008. The process will be similar to that used in 2005, though enlargement of the Union means that Scotland and five English regions will lose one of their MEPs. It is summarised below (non-anoraks may want to skip this bit):
- sitting MEPs will be subject to a trigger ballot. Each constituency must conduct an internal ballot as for sitting MPs, with each branch and affiliated organisation having one vote within the constituency. Based on the result, each constituency and regional affiliate then casts a single Yes or No vote at regional level. This process must be completed by the end of January 2008. Any MEP who does not get a majority of Yes votes goes into the pool with new candidates.
- new candidates who wish to be considered will be drawn from the national parliamentary panel, and selected by a regional team. This will comprise four members of the regional board, two from constituencies and two from affiliates. The interviews will also be completed by the end of January.
- this will be followed by a one-member-one-vote ballot to determine the order of candidates on the list, which will be in two sections: sitting MEPs at the top, and new candidates below them. Within the second section most regions will have separate votes to rank the women and the men, and the list will be “zipped”, with women and men placed alternately and a woman in the first vacant place except where all sitting MEPs are women. However if there is only one sitting woman MEP, there will be a single ballot for all new candidates and the person with the highest vote will take the first place, with the list zipped for the remainder. The ballot will take place between 15th February and 7th March 2008.
Because the timetable is so tight, with some branches and constituencies not meeting in December, I have asked for details to be circulated as soon as possible.
National Policy Forum, 1st December 2007
This meeting will be the first since the changes to policy-making agreed at conference, and an opportunity to discuss how they will be delivered.
The crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission met on 23rd October, and were acutely aware that the process needs a new start, not more fudge. We therefore set up a sub-group, consisting of Diana Holland from Unite-TGWU, Dave Roberts from the constituency section of the NPF, plus one of the ministers for women, to examine the issues in the contemporary motions on equalities and equal pay. They will invite the movers and seconders – UNISON, Oxford West & Abingdon CLP, Ealing Southall CLP, and the Black Socialist Society – to meet them, if possible before Christmas. Other participants in the conference composites will be able to send further written submissions. Because the UNISON motion ranges widely, the sustainable communities commission and the prosperity and work commission may also be represented in discussions.
It is essential to make rapid progress on contemporary issues, because in July 2008 we will be finalising Labour’s programme for the next manifesto, hopefully on the basis of another historic Warwick agreement. For the first time, constituencies and affiliates will be able to submit specific amendments and ask their representatives to argue for them. To enable local parties to participate fully, as well as to fight local elections in May, the NPF has to publish the draft documents by the end of March. It is a challenging task, but one that we must not fail.
The full NEC has not met since conference, but below is an update on forthcoming events and recent developments. As always, questions and comments are welcome.
National Spring Conference, Birmingham, 29th February / 2nd March 2008
The 2007 spring programme, with dozens of regional events, was well-received but very demanding of staff time and resources. For 2008 Labour is returning to the traditional format, with keynote speakers and policy and campaigning seminars. The weekend will include the local government and women’s conferences, with Europe mainstreamed throughout. Further details should be available on the website and from your constituency secretary.
Annual Conference 2008
This will take place in Manchester from Sunday 21st to Thursday 25th September 2008. The provisional timetable is below:
December 2007 / January 2008 – mailing to constituencies and affiliates inviting nominations for national committees and officers.
Tuesday 1st April 2008 – deadline for constituencies to nominate candidates for the national executive committee, the conference arrangements committee and the national constitutional committee.
Tuesday 1st April 2008 – also the deadline for sending constituency delegates’ names (late applications may be accepted, but you should not rely on this).
Friday 6th June 2008 – deadline for affiliates to send delegates’ names, and to nominate for the trade union sections of the CAC and the NCC and the affiliate section of the national policy forum. Initial deadline for visitors’ applications.
Friday 6th June 2008 – also the deadline for submission of constitutional amendments. (NB A constituency / affiliate may submit either a constitutional amendment or a contemporary issue, but not both.)10 a.m. Friday 12th September 2008 (to be confirmed) – deadline for submission of contemporary issues, defined in no more than ten words and supported with an explanation of why they should be prioritised. These must deal with matters not substantially addressed by reports from the national policy forum and the NEC. Further guidance is awaited on whether the criteria are the same as for contemporary motions, which had to refer to events after 31st July.
12 noon Friday 19th September 2008 (to be confirmed) – deadline for submission of emergency resolutions, or emergency issues. (The rulebook still refers to emergency resolutions, but they may be treated in the same way as contemporary issues.) These must relate to a matter arising after 12th September 2007.
Annual Conference 2009
For those who plan far into the future, a reader tells me that this will be held from Sunday 27th September to Thursday 1st October 2009, in Brighton.
Parliamentary Selections
I and other constituency representatives have lobbied persistently for decisions to be made as soon as possible, particularly for seats which need to know whether they will select from an all-women shortlist. There is likely to be a special meeting of the organisation committee on 19th or 20th November, at the time of the NEC awayday/November meeting. I hope by then we will have all necessary information from regional offices, and can enable constituencies to start the selection process.
Local Elections 2008 / 2009
Guidance is now available on procedures for selecting candidates for local elections, including the new unitary authorities, in 2008 and 2009, building on successful positive action over the last cycle. Regional directors are responsible for ensuring that these are implemented effectively.
European SelectionsWhatever the timing of the next general election, there will definitely be elections to the European parliament in June 2009, and regional lists will be in place by 12th March 2008. The process will be similar to that used in 2005, though enlargement of the Union means that Scotland and five English regions will lose one of their MEPs. It is summarised below (non-anoraks may want to skip this bit):
- sitting MEPs will be subject to a trigger ballot. Each constituency must conduct an internal ballot as for sitting MPs, with each branch and affiliated organisation having one vote within the constituency. Based on the result, each constituency and regional affiliate then casts a single Yes or No vote at regional level. This process must be completed by the end of January 2008. Any MEP who does not get a majority of Yes votes goes into the pool with new candidates.
- new candidates who wish to be considered will be drawn from the national parliamentary panel, and selected by a regional team. This will comprise four members of the regional board, two from constituencies and two from affiliates. The interviews will also be completed by the end of January.
- this will be followed by a one-member-one-vote ballot to determine the order of candidates on the list, which will be in two sections: sitting MEPs at the top, and new candidates below them. Within the second section most regions will have separate votes to rank the women and the men, and the list will be “zipped”, with women and men placed alternately and a woman in the first vacant place except where all sitting MEPs are women. However if there is only one sitting woman MEP, there will be a single ballot for all new candidates and the person with the highest vote will take the first place, with the list zipped for the remainder. The ballot will take place between 15th February and 7th March 2008.
Because the timetable is so tight, with some branches and constituencies not meeting in December, I have asked for details to be circulated as soon as possible.
National Policy Forum, 1st December 2007
This meeting will be the first since the changes to policy-making agreed at conference, and an opportunity to discuss how they will be delivered.
The crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission met on 23rd October, and were acutely aware that the process needs a new start, not more fudge. We therefore set up a sub-group, consisting of Diana Holland from Unite-TGWU, Dave Roberts from the constituency section of the NPF, plus one of the ministers for women, to examine the issues in the contemporary motions on equalities and equal pay. They will invite the movers and seconders – UNISON, Oxford West & Abingdon CLP, Ealing Southall CLP, and the Black Socialist Society – to meet them, if possible before Christmas. Other participants in the conference composites will be able to send further written submissions. Because the UNISON motion ranges widely, the sustainable communities commission and the prosperity and work commission may also be represented in discussions.
It is essential to make rapid progress on contemporary issues, because in July 2008 we will be finalising Labour’s programme for the next manifesto, hopefully on the basis of another historic Warwick agreement. For the first time, constituencies and affiliates will be able to submit specific amendments and ask their representatives to argue for them. To enable local parties to participate fully, as well as to fight local elections in May, the NPF has to publish the draft documents by the end of March. It is a challenging task, but one that we must not fail.
The full NEC has not met since conference, but below is an update on forthcoming events and recent developments. As always, questions and comments are welcome.
National Spring Conference, Birmingham, 29th February / 2nd March 2008
The 2007 spring programme, with dozens of regional events, was well-received but very demanding of staff time and resources. For 2008 Labour is returning to the traditional format, with keynote speakers and policy and campaigning seminars. The weekend will include the local government and women’s conferences, with Europe mainstreamed throughout. Further details should be available on the website and from your constituency secretary.
Annual Conference 2008
This will take place in Manchester from Sunday 21st to Thursday 25th September 2008. The provisional timetable is below:
December 2007 / January 2008 – mailing to constituencies and affiliates inviting nominations for national committees and officers.
Tuesday 1st April 2008 – deadline for constituencies to nominate candidates for the national executive committee, the conference arrangements committee and the national constitutional committee.
Tuesday 1st April 2008 – also the deadline for sending constituency delegates’ names (late applications may be accepted, but you should not rely on this).
Friday 6th June 2008 – deadline for affiliates to send delegates’ names, and to nominate for the trade union sections of the CAC and the NCC and the affiliate section of the national policy forum. Initial deadline for visitors’ applications.
Friday 6th June 2008 – also the deadline for submission of constitutional amendments. (NB A constituency / affiliate may submit either a constitutional amendment or a contemporary issue, but not both.)10 a.m. Friday 12th September 2008 (to be confirmed) – deadline for submission of contemporary issues, defined in no more than ten words and supported with an explanation of why they should be prioritised. These must deal with matters not substantially addressed by reports from the national policy forum and the NEC. Further guidance is awaited on whether the criteria are the same as for contemporary motions, which had to refer to events after 31st July.
12 noon Friday 19th September 2008 (to be confirmed) – deadline for submission of emergency resolutions, or emergency issues. (The rulebook still refers to emergency resolutions, but they may be treated in the same way as contemporary issues.) These must relate to a matter arising after 12th September 2007.
Annual Conference 2009
For those who plan far into the future, a reader tells me that this will be held from Sunday 27th September to Thursday 1st October 2009, in Brighton.
Parliamentary Selections
I and other constituency representatives have lobbied persistently for decisions to be made as soon as possible, particularly for seats which need to know whether they will select from an all-women shortlist. There is likely to be a special meeting of the organisation committee on 19th or 20th November, at the time of the NEC awayday/November meeting. I hope by then we will have all necessary information from regional offices, and can enable constituencies to start the selection process.
Local Elections 2008 / 2009
Guidance is now available on procedures for selecting candidates for local elections, including the new unitary authorities, in 2008 and 2009, building on successful positive action over the last cycle. Regional directors are responsible for ensuring that these are implemented effectively.
European SelectionsWhatever the timing of the next general election, there will definitely be elections to the European parliament in June 2009, and regional lists will be in place by 12th March 2008. The process will be similar to that used in 2005, though enlargement of the Union means that Scotland and five English regions will lose one of their MEPs. It is summarised below (non-anoraks may want to skip this bit):
- sitting MEPs will be subject to a trigger ballot. Each constituency must conduct an internal ballot as for sitting MPs, with each branch and affiliated organisation having one vote within the constituency. Based on the result, each constituency and regional affiliate then casts a single Yes or No vote at regional level. This process must be completed by the end of January 2008. Any MEP who does not get a majority of Yes votes goes into the pool with new candidates.
- new candidates who wish to be considered will be drawn from the national parliamentary panel, and selected by a regional team. This will comprise four members of the regional board, two from constituencies and two from affiliates. The interviews will also be completed by the end of January.
- this will be followed by a one-member-one-vote ballot to determine the order of candidates on the list, which will be in two sections: sitting MEPs at the top, and new candidates below them. Within the second section most regions will have separate votes to rank the women and the men, and the list will be “zipped”, with women and men placed alternately and a woman in the first vacant place except where all sitting MEPs are women. However if there is only one sitting woman MEP, there will be a single ballot for all new candidates and the person with the highest vote will take the first place, with the list zipped for the remainder. The ballot will take place between 15th February and 7th March 2008.
Because the timetable is so tight, with some branches and constituencies not meeting in December, I have asked for details to be circulated as soon as possible.
National Policy Forum, 1st December 2007
This meeting will be the first since the changes to policy-making agreed at conference, and an opportunity to discuss how they will be delivered.
The crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission met on 23rd October, and were acutely aware that the process needs a new start, not more fudge. We therefore set up a sub-group, consisting of Diana Holland from Unite-TGWU, Dave Roberts from the constituency section of the NPF, plus one of the ministers for women, to examine the issues in the contemporary motions on equalities and equal pay. They will invite the movers and seconders – UNISON, Oxford West & Abingdon CLP, Ealing Southall CLP, and the Black Socialist Society – to meet them, if possible before Christmas. Other participants in the conference composites will be able to send further written submissions. Because the UNISON motion ranges widely, the sustainable communities commission and the prosperity and work commission may also be represented in discussions.
It is essential to make rapid progress on contemporary issues, because in July 2008 we will be finalising Labour’s programme for the next manifesto, hopefully on the basis of another historic Warwick agreement. For the first time, constituencies and affiliates will be able to submit specific amendments and ask their representatives to argue for them. To enable local parties to participate fully, as well as to fight local elections in May, the NPF has to publish the draft documents by the end of March. It is a challenging task, but one that we must not fail.
The role of the NEC at conference has steadily diminished even in the seven years since I was elected, and with acceptance of Gordon Brown’s proposals there will be no more pre-dawn showdowns, knife-edge votes or frantic lobbying by party fixers and union delegates. We met Sunday lunchtime to agree a final version of the party renewal document, and to alter two of our decisions from the preceding Tuesday: dropping the addition of four national policy forum members to the conference arrangements committee (CAC), and asking constituencies to remit their amendment barring ministers from CAC membership. Pete Willsman drew attention to the NEC’s standing orders, which say that resolutions cannot be reversed within three months. He was over-ruled by Mike Griffiths from the chair, who pointed out that as Pete had previously argued against enlarging the CAC, he should be pleased. It was suggested that we might change our standing orders to avoid such problems recurring.
I asked that future consultations, on organisation or on policy, should (a) send copies directly to constituencies (b) at a time when they usually meet, not in August (c) encourage collective as well as individual replies (d) allow those without internet access to participate (e) ask questions which relate to the recommendations (f) publish the responses (g) involve representatives of all sections of the party, not just the unions, in negotiations (h) give us longer than five minutes to read the results (i) allow the NEC, and conference, to vote on recommendations separately. We shall see.
The system will be reviewed in two years, and the NEC agreed to ask the movers of this year’s contemporary resolutions to refer them to the new process as if it was already in place, to give more time to judge its effectiveness. This seemed reasonable to me. Walter Wolfgang expressed concern that almost all motions on foreign policy had been ruled out of order, but was told that decisions were made by the independent CAC and could be challenged by delegates. (Though actually they can’t, because by the time conference starts, the ballot on which topics will be debated has already opened.) Several members were unhappy that the women’s reception was advertised in the daily guide as “Something for the Ladies” on a patronising pink background.
The prime minister then arrived, and stressed again that people did not vote to thank us for what we had done, but for what we would do. The conference would show Labour not only as competent in dealing with crises, but as the party with a vision for the future of the country. He also told us that this year’s international speaker would not be a superstar but an ordinary woman from war-torn Darfur, marking another change of tone from the Blair era.
Deja Vu
On Sunday afternoon party renewal reached the conference floor. Many of the same promises were made ten years ago with Partnership in Power: giving every member a say, encouraging local forums, involving the community. No rule changes were needed to give feedback, rescue submissions from the black hole into which they vanish, sharpen up what Ed Miliband described as “long and boring documents”, allow representatives to talk to constituencies, or provide more resources. Most of those called to speak were happy to forgo contemporary motions, and no-one opposed all-member ballots on the manifesto, though this may now be for the election after next. I wondered about the delegate who predicted that conference 2017 would see Gordon Brown celebrating 20 years of Labour government, membership 400,000 and rising, and every speaker praising the changes we had the courage to make today. He showed either extraordinary foresight or over-indulgence in mind-altering substances. But the mood for unity was palpable and the rule changes were carried by 84.5% to 15.5%, with constituencies 87.07% for, 12.93% against, and affiliates 81.03% for, 18.07% against (amid rumours that some union votes were accidentally cast the wrong way).
Moving On
By Monday morning the NEC had the text of most contemporary resolutions, though the wording on Remploy was still being finalised and the unions stressed that the threat of factory closures made discussion urgent. (Peter Hain later gave satisfactory assurances.) We formalised our decision to take no view on the contents but to feed them all into the new system. We also put forward a rule change from the black socialist society (BSS) giving constituency ethnic minorities officers higher status.
And that was it, until Wednesday evening when we thanked retiring members Dave Ward, Keith Sonnet, Hazel Blears and Ian McCartney and welcomed new representatives Andy Kerr and Keith Birch. Mike Griffiths ended an eventful year as Chair with tributes from Gordon Brown and others, and I am sure that Dianne Hayter, elected unanimously for the year ahead, will be an excellent successor, assisted by Sally Powell as vice-chair. The only item of business was to approve a pilot scheme allowing members under 27 to join for £1 in their first year, as long as they complete a direct debit form for the normal rate in subsequent years.
Conference: Public and Private
The main sessions ran smoothly, with Gordon Brown gaining well-deserved applause. Quentin Davies MP gave a blistering denunciation of his former leader David Cameron and won a standing ovation. And I apologise for winding up supporters of a referendum on the European Union treaty, but must award the prize for metaphor of the week to Gary Titley MEP, who argued that most opponents of the treaty are neo-conservatives who hate Europe itself and its protection for workers:
“And yet, there are those on the left who have allied themselves with the neo-cons. Like the male black widow spider they will only be gobbled up when their usefulness is over.”
All resolutions were duly referred without a vote, and as a member of the crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission I shall follow up progress on equal pay in the year ahead. Even the rule changes were uneventful, with two out of four movers absent and a third arriving late and only just allowed to speak. In the background, Stephen Twigg and Marge Carey were easily elected to the constituency section of the CAC, and George McManus, an energetic and loyal member of the national policy forum since its formation in 1998 was, sadly, evicted. I am more and more convinced that one-member-one-vote is the only way to get a reasonable spread of views on party bodies.
As usual the policy seminars, closed to the press, allowed delegates and ministers to speak more freely, and in an hour on equalities and citizenship nearly 30 people contributed. They asked the government to finish the job of reforming the House of Lords, and while speakers differed on votes at 16, they agreed on the importance of engaging young people in politics and valuing their energy and enthusiasm. But there was considerable unease over Gordon Brown’s emphasis on Britishness, with Irish, Welsh and ethnic minority members feeling uncomfortable and excluded. Some asked how British values differed from the values of other democratic countries. Unless we are careful, we risk alienating our own supporters, councillors and activists.
Andy Burnham told the prosperity at work session that while personal debt might have tripled, assets had multiplied by seven, though Labour would continue working with vulnerable groups, promoting economic literacy and encouraging responsible lending. And a delegate in the health seminar said he was sick of the knocking media: after four operations in the last two years, his doctors promised he would be fit for many more conferences, while under the Tories he wouldn’t even have been alive.
And Finally …
A young delegate from Bethnal Green & Bow told conference how much his mother, who had worked 60 hours a week to keep her family, would have benefited from Labour’s minimum wage and tax credits, yet felt he had to apologise, twice, for not wearing a tie. A truly inclusive party should pay less attention to how people dress, and more to what they say and do. Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.
The role of the NEC at conference has steadily diminished even in the seven years since I was elected, and with acceptance of Gordon Brown’s proposals there will be no more pre-dawn showdowns, knife-edge votes or frantic lobbying by party fixers and union delegates. We met Sunday lunchtime to agree a final version of the party renewal document, and to alter two of our decisions from the preceding Tuesday: dropping the addition of four national policy forum members to the conference arrangements committee (CAC), and asking constituencies to remit their amendment barring ministers from CAC membership. Pete Willsman drew attention to the NEC’s standing orders, which say that resolutions cannot be reversed within three months. He was over-ruled by Mike Griffiths from the chair, who pointed out that as Pete had previously argued against enlarging the CAC, he should be pleased. It was suggested that we might change our standing orders to avoid such problems recurring.
I asked that future consultations, on organisation or on policy, should (a) send copies directly to constituencies (b) at a time when they usually meet, not in August (c) encourage collective as well as individual replies (d) allow those without internet access to participate (e) ask questions which relate to the recommendations (f) publish the responses (g) involve representatives of all sections of the party, not just the unions, in negotiations (h) give us longer than five minutes to read the results (i) allow the NEC, and conference, to vote on recommendations separately. We shall see.
The system will be reviewed in two years, and the NEC agreed to ask the movers of this year’s contemporary resolutions to refer them to the new process as if it was already in place, to give more time to judge its effectiveness. This seemed reasonable to me. Walter Wolfgang expressed concern that almost all motions on foreign policy had been ruled out of order, but was told that decisions were made by the independent CAC and could be challenged by delegates. (Though actually they can’t, because by the time conference starts, the ballot on which topics will be debated has already opened.) Several members were unhappy that the women’s reception was advertised in the daily guide as “Something for the Ladies” on a patronising pink background.
The prime minister then arrived, and stressed again that people did not vote to thank us for what we had done, but for what we would do. The conference would show Labour not only as competent in dealing with crises, but as the party with a vision for the future of the country. He also told us that this year’s international speaker would not be a superstar but an ordinary woman from war-torn Darfur, marking another change of tone from the Blair era.
Deja Vu
On Sunday afternoon party renewal reached the conference floor. Many of the same promises were made ten years ago with Partnership in Power: giving every member a say, encouraging local forums, involving the community. No rule changes were needed to give feedback, rescue submissions from the black hole into which they vanish, sharpen up what Ed Miliband described as “long and boring documents”, allow representatives to talk to constituencies, or provide more resources. Most of those called to speak were happy to forgo contemporary motions, and no-one opposed all-member ballots on the manifesto, though this may now be for the election after next. I wondered about the delegate who predicted that conference 2017 would see Gordon Brown celebrating 20 years of Labour government, membership 400,000 and rising, and every speaker praising the changes we had the courage to make today. He showed either extraordinary foresight or over-indulgence in mind-altering substances. But the mood for unity was palpable and the rule changes were carried by 84.5% to 15.5%, with constituencies 87.07% for, 12.93% against, and affiliates 81.03% for, 18.07% against (amid rumours that some union votes were accidentally cast the wrong way).
Moving On
By Monday morning the NEC had the text of most contemporary resolutions, though the wording on Remploy was still being finalised and the unions stressed that the threat of factory closures made discussion urgent. (Peter Hain later gave satisfactory assurances.) We formalised our decision to take no view on the contents but to feed them all into the new system. We also put forward a rule change from the black socialist society (BSS) giving constituency ethnic minorities officers higher status.
And that was it, until Wednesday evening when we thanked retiring members Dave Ward, Keith Sonnet, Hazel Blears and Ian McCartney and welcomed new representatives Andy Kerr and Keith Birch. Mike Griffiths ended an eventful year as Chair with tributes from Gordon Brown and others, and I am sure that Dianne Hayter, elected unanimously for the year ahead, will be an excellent successor, assisted by Sally Powell as vice-chair. The only item of business was to approve a pilot scheme allowing members under 27 to join for £1 in their first year, as long as they complete a direct debit form for the normal rate in subsequent years.
Conference: Public and Private
The main sessions ran smoothly, with Gordon Brown gaining well-deserved applause. Quentin Davies MP gave a blistering denunciation of his former leader David Cameron and won a standing ovation. And I apologise for winding up supporters of a referendum on the European Union treaty, but must award the prize for metaphor of the week to Gary Titley MEP, who argued that most opponents of the treaty are neo-conservatives who hate Europe itself and its protection for workers:
“And yet, there are those on the left who have allied themselves with the neo-cons. Like the male black widow spider they will only be gobbled up when their usefulness is over.”
All resolutions were duly referred without a vote, and as a member of the crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission I shall follow up progress on equal pay in the year ahead. Even the rule changes were uneventful, with two out of four movers absent and a third arriving late and only just allowed to speak. In the background, Stephen Twigg and Marge Carey were easily elected to the constituency section of the CAC, and George McManus, an energetic and loyal member of the national policy forum since its formation in 1998 was, sadly, evicted. I am more and more convinced that one-member-one-vote is the only way to get a reasonable spread of views on party bodies.
As usual the policy seminars, closed to the press, allowed delegates and ministers to speak more freely, and in an hour on equalities and citizenship nearly 30 people contributed. They asked the government to finish the job of reforming the House of Lords, and while speakers differed on votes at 16, they agreed on the importance of engaging young people in politics and valuing their energy and enthusiasm. But there was considerable unease over Gordon Brown’s emphasis on Britishness, with Irish, Welsh and ethnic minority members feeling uncomfortable and excluded. Some asked how British values differed from the values of other democratic countries. Unless we are careful, we risk alienating our own supporters, councillors and activists.
Andy Burnham told the prosperity at work session that while personal debt might have tripled, assets had multiplied by seven, though Labour would continue working with vulnerable groups, promoting economic literacy and encouraging responsible lending. And a delegate in the health seminar said he was sick of the knocking media: after four operations in the last two years, his doctors promised he would be fit for many more conferences, while under the Tories he wouldn’t even have been alive.
And Finally …
A young delegate from Bethnal Green & Bow told conference how much his mother, who had worked 60 hours a week to keep her family, would have benefited from Labour’s minimum wage and tax credits, yet felt he had to apologise, twice, for not wearing a tie. A truly inclusive party should pay less attention to how people dress, and more to what they say and do. Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.
The role of the NEC at conference has steadily diminished even in the seven years since I was elected, and with acceptance of Gordon Brown’s proposals there will be no more pre-dawn showdowns, knife-edge votes or frantic lobbying by party fixers and union delegates. We met Sunday lunchtime to agree a final version of the party renewal document, and to alter two of our decisions from the preceding Tuesday: dropping the addition of four national policy forum members to the conference arrangements committee (CAC), and asking constituencies to remit their amendment barring ministers from CAC membership. Pete Willsman drew attention to the NEC’s standing orders, which say that resolutions cannot be reversed within three months. He was over-ruled by Mike Griffiths from the chair, who pointed out that as Pete had previously argued against enlarging the CAC, he should be pleased. It was suggested that we might change our standing orders to avoid such problems recurring.
I asked that future consultations, on organisation or on policy, should (a) send copies directly to constituencies (b) at a time when they usually meet, not in August (c) encourage collective as well as individual replies (d) allow those without internet access to participate (e) ask questions which relate to the recommendations (f) publish the responses (g) involve representatives of all sections of the party, not just the unions, in negotiations (h) give us longer than five minutes to read the results (i) allow the NEC, and conference, to vote on recommendations separately. We shall see.
The system will be reviewed in two years, and the NEC agreed to ask the movers of this year’s contemporary resolutions to refer them to the new process as if it was already in place, to give more time to judge its effectiveness. This seemed reasonable to me. Walter Wolfgang expressed concern that almost all motions on foreign policy had been ruled out of order, but was told that decisions were made by the independent CAC and could be challenged by delegates. (Though actually they can’t, because by the time conference starts, the ballot on which topics will be debated has already opened.) Several members were unhappy that the women’s reception was advertised in the daily guide as “Something for the Ladies” on a patronising pink background.
The prime minister then arrived, and stressed again that people did not vote to thank us for what we had done, but for what we would do. The conference would show Labour not only as competent in dealing with crises, but as the party with a vision for the future of the country. He also told us that this year’s international speaker would not be a superstar but an ordinary woman from war-torn Darfur, marking another change of tone from the Blair era.
Deja Vu
On Sunday afternoon party renewal reached the conference floor. Many of the same promises were made ten years ago with Partnership in Power: giving every member a say, encouraging local forums, involving the community. No rule changes were needed to give feedback, rescue submissions from the black hole into which they vanish, sharpen up what Ed Miliband described as “long and boring documents”, allow representatives to talk to constituencies, or provide more resources. Most of those called to speak were happy to forgo contemporary motions, and no-one opposed all-member ballots on the manifesto, though this may now be for the election after next. I wondered about the delegate who predicted that conference 2017 would see Gordon Brown celebrating 20 years of Labour government, membership 400,000 and rising, and every speaker praising the changes we had the courage to make today. He showed either extraordinary foresight or over-indulgence in mind-altering substances. But the mood for unity was palpable and the rule changes were carried by 84.5% to 15.5%, with constituencies 87.07% for, 12.93% against, and affiliates 81.03% for, 18.07% against (amid rumours that some union votes were accidentally cast the wrong way).
Moving On
By Monday morning the NEC had the text of most contemporary resolutions, though the wording on Remploy was still being finalised and the unions stressed that the threat of factory closures made discussion urgent. (Peter Hain later gave satisfactory assurances.) We formalised our decision to take no view on the contents but to feed them all into the new system. We also put forward a rule change from the black socialist society (BSS) giving constituency ethnic minorities officers higher status.
And that was it, until Wednesday evening when we thanked retiring members Dave Ward, Keith Sonnet, Hazel Blears and Ian McCartney and welcomed new representatives Andy Kerr and Keith Birch. Mike Griffiths ended an eventful year as Chair with tributes from Gordon Brown and others, and I am sure that Dianne Hayter, elected unanimously for the year ahead, will be an excellent successor, assisted by Sally Powell as vice-chair. The only item of business was to approve a pilot scheme allowing members under 27 to join for £1 in their first year, as long as they complete a direct debit form for the normal rate in subsequent years.
Conference: Public and Private
The main sessions ran smoothly, with Gordon Brown gaining well-deserved applause. Quentin Davies MP gave a blistering denunciation of his former leader David Cameron and won a standing ovation. And I apologise for winding up supporters of a referendum on the European Union treaty, but must award the prize for metaphor of the week to Gary Titley MEP, who argued that most opponents of the treaty are neo-conservatives who hate Europe itself and its protection for workers:
“And yet, there are those on the left who have allied themselves with the neo-cons. Like the male black widow spider they will only be gobbled up when their usefulness is over.”
All resolutions were duly referred without a vote, and as a member of the crime, justice, citizenship and equalities commission I shall follow up progress on equal pay in the year ahead. Even the rule changes were uneventful, with two out of four movers absent and a third arriving late and only just allowed to speak. In the background, Stephen Twigg and Marge Carey were easily elected to the constituency section of the CAC, and George McManus, an energetic and loyal member of the national policy forum since its formation in 1998 was, sadly, evicted. I am more and more convinced that one-member-one-vote is the only way to get a reasonable spread of views on party bodies.
As usual the policy seminars, closed to the press, allowed delegates and ministers to speak more freely, and in an hour on equalities and citizenship nearly 30 people contributed. They asked the government to finish the job of reforming the House of Lords, and while speakers differed on votes at 16, they agreed on the importance of engaging young people in politics and valuing their energy and enthusiasm. But there was considerable unease over Gordon Brown’s emphasis on Britishness, with Irish, Welsh and ethnic minority members feeling uncomfortable and excluded. Some asked how British values differed from the values of other democratic countries. Unless we are careful, we risk alienating our own supporters, councillors and activists.
Andy Burnham told the prosperity at work session that while personal debt might have tripled, assets had multiplied by seven, though Labour would continue working with vulnerable groups, promoting economic literacy and encouraging responsible lending. And a delegate in the health seminar said he was sick of the knocking media: after four operations in the last two years, his doctors promised he would be fit for many more conferences, while under the Tories he wouldn’t even have been alive.
And Finally …
A young delegate from Bethnal Green & Bow told conference how much his mother, who had worked 60 hours a week to keep her family, would have benefited from Labour’s minimum wage and tax credits, yet felt he had to apologise, twice, for not wearing a tie. A truly inclusive party should pay less attention to how people dress, and more to what they say and do. Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.
The prime minister reviewed the summer with justified satisfaction. Despite terrorist attacks, floods, foot-and-mouth and financial turbulence Labour had turned the polls around since last year. But people voted for what parties would do in the future, and we would only keep their trust by listening. NEC members duly suggested things that he might listen to, starting with dismay at his admiration for Margaret Thatcher as a conviction politician (“so was Pol Pot”, someone commented). Gordon Brown said that prime ministers always invited their predecessors as a courtesy, and working with people from other parties showed strength. I doubt if many object to disaffected Tories or fellow-travelling LibDems writing reports on rainforests or childcare, and even Patrick Mercer is working with Trevor Phillips despite his remarks about ethnic minorities, but “that woman” destroyed too many lives and livelihoods.
However Gordon Brown responded with a passionate list of dividing lines which would make a splendid conference speech: three million new homes, grants for two-thirds of students, individual tuition in state schools, near-full employment, international aid, investment in health, and protecting those at risk, most recently by intervening to stop the Northern Rock panic. In contrast the Tories presided over sky-high interest rates, negative equity and repossessions, and would slash taxes at the expense of public services. And his subsequent decision to boycott the Europe-Africa summit if Robert Mugabe is present will reassure those who want to see some limit to the Big Tent.
The shift in body language towards George Bush was welcomed, with Muslim voters in particular ready to accept Iraq as a past mistake and come home to Labour. Gordon Brown assured Walter Wolfgang that Britain was pursuing diplomatic rather than military options with regard to Iran, and he was meeting a delegation from Colombia, where human rights abuses are widespread. Responding to Christine Shawcroft, who asked him to listen to those opposed to American use of Fylingdales and Menwith Hill, he said the “missile defence” programme was mainly based in Eastern Europe. He reassured Gary Titley that a referendum on the European reform treaty was still unnecessary, despite the opportunistic attacks of Thatcherite Tories (and, I regret to say, some prominent Labour figures).
Other concerns included agency workers; spending on health and safety (more building workers die in accidents than British soldiers in Iraq); European action against converted weapons; and privatisation of homecare services leaving elderly people unvisited at weekends. On Remploy, Gordon Brown promised to seek a solution which protected jobs and pensions. Pete Willsman warned against Callaghan-style pay freezes, with tensions exacerbated by multi-million pound city bonuses. And Dennis Skinner worried about trust, with too many people in the Northern Rock queues convinced that politicians lied to them about everything.
Renewal or Repression?
On this theme, Gordon Brown stressed that how we conducted politics was as important as the policies themselves, within the party and the community. His plans for change attracted comments from 173 individuals and 90 affiliated organisations, constituencies and other units, meaning that only one in eight constituencies responded, perhaps because hard copies were not sent out. They were discussed extensively with trade union general secretaries over the summer, and party staff were already lobbying constituency delegates, but the rest of us had only five minutes to read the final version.
Some recommendations had stayed: more local policy forums and community engagement and better communication with national policy forum members, though no sign that they will be enabled to contact constituencies and vice versa. The extra twelve NPF members had been dropped, but there was a surprise new move to add four NPF members to the conference arrangements committee.
Conference would no longer debate contemporary resolutions. Instead constituencies and affiliates would submit contemporary issues, subject to the same arbitrary criteria as now, and ranked in a priorities ballot. The movers of the winning topics would then discuss with policy commissions how these might be progressed. After hearing speakers, conference would vote on whether they still thought the issue was important, in which case there would be specific reportbacks to the following year’s conference, which would express satisfaction or otherwise.
Once in each parliament all members would be balloted on the party programme: a short summary would be circulated, with the full papers available on the website, and the poll conducted mainly online and by telephone. NEC members’ views were predictable, with some inspired by the spirit of Neil Kinnock and others fearing the final death of democracy.
Some saw contemporary motions as a necessary safety-valve, and the government would not be defeated if it listened; others thought they exposed crude voting power, political weakness and damaging divisions. Perhaps most honestly, party procedures had always involved fixing and this was just a different fix, though Gordon Brown preferred to stress the principled nature of his ideas.
Christine Shawcroft spoke for mainstream activists in asking, in vain, for opportunities to amend or refer back parts of NPF documents rather than yes/no take-it-or-leave-it votes. Indeed the NEC itself was not allowed to vote on the rule changes separately, and the package was carried with four against (Christine, Walter Wolfgang, Dennis Skinner and myself, with Pete Willsman adding belated dissent), in my case mainly because of unhappiness with the process.
The unions have accepted the promise of a review after two years in return for their support, and were right not to threaten to defeat a popular prime minister at his first conference. However I remain concerned that Gordon Brown described this exercise as a model for future policy development. It is bad tactics to exclude people and then to bounce them. I am still pushing for closer links between the NEC and the joint policy committee, including constituency representation, and this may be discussed further, along with Jeremy Beecham’s proposals for reserved places for Scottish and Welsh representatives.
Standing back, I doubt that much of this will matter on the ground. What members want is first, a Labour government that pursues policies of which they generally approve, and second, responses to letters and mails which show that someone has read and understood what they are saying. In ten years of Partnership in Power they have been repeatedly promised proper feedback and real influence. The requirements for success were summed up as resources and trust, and we now have to deliver both.
Harriet in the High Street
Deputy leader Harriet Harman spoke of her campaigning in marginal seats and her work with trade unions, especially in mobilising women members. She found voters’ priorities were housing and youth services, though others reported complaints about broken pavements and immigration, and xenophobia against new eastern European groups. She had asked Operation Black Vote to look at how all-black and ethnic minority shortlists could work in practice, with legislation a possibility.
General secretary Peter Watt reported that resources were in reasonably good shape. The Tories did not seem to want agreement on Hayden Phillips and party funding, but he thought Labour would end up in a position which members would find acceptable. I asked when constituencies would get the extra membership money agreed in the 2005 rule change. This raised standard subscriptions from £24 to £36 and assigned the extra £12 to a campaign fund, held by the national party except in the year of a general election when it is paid to constituencies, giving them £20 instead of £8 per full-rate member. With rumour and speculation rife, local parties need to plan their budgets, but I am now concerned that we may not get the money until after the election. For some of us that will be too late.
Conference Arrangements
The main themes would be education, health, law and order, housing and a strong economy. Though environment was not included, this year’s conference would be greener, with carpeting recycled and exhibitors encouraged to minimise paper and plastic bags. The NEC would propose a rule change allowing the black socialist society executive to attend conference and, in a welcome U-turn, supported a constituency amendment excluding ministers from the conference arrangements committee. The socialist health association’s proposal to change clause IV was opposed, as it would have removed some rather good bits.
Bethnal Green & Bow would be asked to remit their amendment on reducing thresholds for extra women and youth delegates, with an assurance that the NEC would review all thresholds in the light of membership levels. I also hope to look at the interpretation of the gender quota, which permanently bars some constituencies from conference. And finally there _will_ be a national spring conference, in Birmingham, either 14/16 February or 28 February/1 March 2008.
Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.
The prime minister reviewed the summer with justified satisfaction. Despite terrorist attacks, floods, foot-and-mouth and financial turbulence Labour had turned the polls around since last year. But people voted for what parties would do in the future, and we would only keep their trust by listening. NEC members duly suggested things that he might listen to, starting with dismay at his admiration for Margaret Thatcher as a conviction politician (“so was Pol Pot”, someone commented). Gordon Brown said that prime ministers always invited their predecessors as a courtesy, and working with people from other parties showed strength. I doubt if many object to disaffected Tories or fellow-travelling LibDems writing reports on rainforests or childcare, and even Patrick Mercer is working with Trevor Phillips despite his remarks about ethnic minorities, but “that woman” destroyed too many lives and livelihoods.
However Gordon Brown responded with a passionate list of dividing lines which would make a splendid conference speech: three million new homes, grants for two-thirds of students, individual tuition in state schools, near-full employment, international aid, investment in health, and protecting those at risk, most recently by intervening to stop the Northern Rock panic. In contrast the Tories presided over sky-high interest rates, negative equity and repossessions, and would slash taxes at the expense of public services. And his subsequent decision to boycott the Europe-Africa summit if Robert Mugabe is present will reassure those who want to see some limit to the Big Tent.
The shift in body language towards George Bush was welcomed, with Muslim voters in particular ready to accept Iraq as a past mistake and come home to Labour. Gordon Brown assured Walter Wolfgang that Britain was pursuing diplomatic rather than military options with regard to Iran, and he was meeting a delegation from Colombia, where human rights abuses are widespread. Responding to Christine Shawcroft, who asked him to listen to those opposed to American use of Fylingdales and Menwith Hill, he said the “missile defence” programme was mainly based in Eastern Europe. He reassured Gary Titley that a referendum on the European reform treaty was still unnecessary, despite the opportunistic attacks of Thatcherite Tories (and, I regret to say, some prominent Labour figures).
Other concerns included agency workers; spending on health and safety (more building workers die in accidents than British soldiers in Iraq); European action against converted weapons; and privatisation of homecare services leaving elderly people unvisited at weekends. On Remploy, Gordon Brown promised to seek a solution which protected jobs and pensions. Pete Willsman warned against Callaghan-style pay freezes, with tensions exacerbated by multi-million pound city bonuses. And Dennis Skinner worried about trust, with too many people in the Northern Rock queues convinced that politicians lied to them about everything.
Renewal or Repression?
On this theme, Gordon Brown stressed that how we conducted politics was as important as the policies themselves, within the party and the community. His plans for change attracted comments from 173 individuals and 90 affiliated organisations, constituencies and other units, meaning that only one in eight constituencies responded, perhaps because hard copies were not sent out. They were discussed extensively with trade union general secretaries over the summer, and party staff were already lobbying constituency delegates, but the rest of us had only five minutes to read the final version.
Some recommendations had stayed: more local policy forums and community engagement and better communication with national policy forum members, though no sign that they will be enabled to contact constituencies and vice versa. The extra twelve NPF members had been dropped, but there was a surprise new move to add four NPF members to the conference arrangements committee.
Conference would no longer debate contemporary resolutions. Instead constituencies and affiliates would submit contemporary issues, subject to the same arbitrary criteria as now, and ranked in a priorities ballot. The movers of the winning topics would then discuss with policy commissions how these might be progressed. After hearing speakers, conference would vote on whether they still thought the issue was important, in which case there would be specific reportbacks to the following year’s conference, which would express satisfaction or otherwise.
Once in each parliament all members would be balloted on the party programme: a short summary would be circulated, with the full papers available on the website, and the poll conducted mainly online and by telephone. NEC members’ views were predictable, with some inspired by the spirit of Neil Kinnock and others fearing the final death of democracy.
Some saw contemporary motions as a necessary safety-valve, and the government would not be defeated if it listened; others thought they exposed crude voting power, political weakness and damaging divisions. Perhaps most honestly, party procedures had always involved fixing and this was just a different fix, though Gordon Brown preferred to stress the principled nature of his ideas.
Christine Shawcroft spoke for mainstream activists in asking, in vain, for opportunities to amend or refer back parts of NPF documents rather than yes/no take-it-or-leave-it votes. Indeed the NEC itself was not allowed to vote on the rule changes separately, and the package was carried with four against (Christine, Walter Wolfgang, Dennis Skinner and myself, with Pete Willsman adding belated dissent), in my case mainly because of unhappiness with the process.
The unions have accepted the promise of a review after two years in return for their support, and were right not to threaten to defeat a popular prime minister at his first conference. However I remain concerned that Gordon Brown described this exercise as a model for future policy development. It is bad tactics to exclude people and then to bounce them. I am still pushing for closer links between the NEC and the joint policy committee, including constituency representation, and this may be discussed further, along with Jeremy Beecham’s proposals for reserved places for Scottish and Welsh representatives.
Standing back, I doubt that much of this will matter on the ground. What members want is first, a Labour government that pursues policies of which they generally approve, and second, responses to letters and mails which show that someone has read and understood what they are saying. In ten years of Partnership in Power they have been repeatedly promised proper feedback and real influence. The requirements for success were summed up as resources and trust, and we now have to deliver both.
Harriet in the High Street
Deputy leader Harriet Harman spoke of her campaigning in marginal seats and her work with trade unions, especially in mobilising women members. She found voters’ priorities were housing and youth services, though others reported complaints about broken pavements and immigration, and xenophobia against new eastern European groups. She had asked Operation Black Vote to look at how all-black and ethnic minority shortlists could work in practice, with legislation a possibility.
General secretary Peter Watt reported that resources were in reasonably good shape. The Tories did not seem to want agreement on Hayden Phillips and party funding, but he thought Labour would end up in a position which members would find acceptable. I asked when constituencies would get the extra membership money agreed in the 2005 rule change. This raised standard subscriptions from £24 to £36 and assigned the extra £12 to a campaign fund, held by the national party except in the year of a general election when it is paid to constituencies, giving them £20 instead of £8 per full-rate member. With rumour and speculation rife, local parties need to plan their budgets, but I am now concerned that we may not get the money until after the election. For some of us that will be too late.
Conference Arrangements
The main themes would be education, health, law and order, housing and a strong economy. Though environment was not included, this year’s conference would be greener, with carpeting recycled and exhibitors encouraged to minimise paper and plastic bags. The NEC would propose a rule change allowing the black socialist society executive to attend conference and, in a welcome U-turn, supported a constituency amendment excluding ministers from the conference arrangements committee. The socialist health association’s proposal to change clause IV was opposed, as it would have removed some rather good bits.
Bethnal Green & Bow would be asked to remit their amendment on reducing thresholds for extra women and youth delegates, with an assurance that the NEC would review all thresholds in the light of membership levels. I also hope to look at the interpretation of the gender quota, which permanently bars some constituencies from conference. And finally there _will_ be a national spring conference, in Birmingham, either 14/16 February or 28 February/1 March 2008.
Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.
The prime minister reviewed the summer with justified satisfaction. Despite terrorist attacks, floods, foot-and-mouth and financial turbulence Labour had turned the polls around since last year. But people voted for what parties would do in the future, and we would only keep their trust by listening. NEC members duly suggested things that he might listen to, starting with dismay at his admiration for Margaret Thatcher as a conviction politician (“so was Pol Pot”, someone commented). Gordon Brown said that prime ministers always invited their predecessors as a courtesy, and working with people from other parties showed strength. I doubt if many object to disaffected Tories or fellow-travelling LibDems writing reports on rainforests or childcare, and even Patrick Mercer is working with Trevor Phillips despite his remarks about ethnic minorities, but “that woman” destroyed too many lives and livelihoods.
However Gordon Brown responded with a passionate list of dividing lines which would make a splendid conference speech: three million new homes, grants for two-thirds of students, individual tuition in state schools, near-full employment, international aid, investment in health, and protecting those at risk, most recently by intervening to stop the Northern Rock panic. In contrast the Tories presided over sky-high interest rates, negative equity and repossessions, and would slash taxes at the expense of public services. And his subsequent decision to boycott the Europe-Africa summit if Robert Mugabe is present will reassure those who want to see some limit to the Big Tent.
The shift in body language towards George Bush was welcomed, with Muslim voters in particular ready to accept Iraq as a past mistake and come home to Labour. Gordon Brown assured Walter Wolfgang that Britain was pursuing diplomatic rather than military options with regard to Iran, and he was meeting a delegation from Colombia, where human rights abuses are widespread. Responding to Christine Shawcroft, who asked him to listen to those opposed to American use of Fylingdales and Menwith Hill, he said the “missile defence” programme was mainly based in Eastern Europe. He reassured Gary Titley that a referendum on the European reform treaty was still unnecessary, despite the opportunistic attacks of Thatcherite Tories (and, I regret to say, some prominent Labour figures).
Other concerns included agency workers; spending on health and safety (more building workers die in accidents than British soldiers in Iraq); European action against converted weapons; and privatisation of homecare services leaving elderly people unvisited at weekends. On Remploy, Gordon Brown promised to seek a solution which protected jobs and pensions. Pete Willsman warned against Callaghan-style pay freezes, with tensions exacerbated by multi-million pound city bonuses. And Dennis Skinner worried about trust, with too many people in the Northern Rock queues convinced that politicians lied to them about everything.
Renewal or Repression?
On this theme, Gordon Brown stressed that how we conducted politics was as important as the policies themselves, within the party and the community. His plans for change attracted comments from 173 individuals and 90 affiliated organisations, constituencies and other units, meaning that only one in eight constituencies responded, perhaps because hard copies were not sent out. They were discussed extensively with trade union general secretaries over the summer, and party staff were already lobbying constituency delegates, but the rest of us had only five minutes to read the final version.
Some recommendations had stayed: more local policy forums and community engagement and better communication with national policy forum members, though no sign that they will be enabled to contact constituencies and vice versa. The extra twelve NPF members had been dropped, but there was a surprise new move to add four NPF members to the conference arrangements committee.
Conference would no longer debate contemporary resolutions. Instead constituencies and affiliates would submit contemporary issues, subject to the same arbitrary criteria as now, and ranked in a priorities ballot. The movers of the winning topics would then discuss with policy commissions how these might be progressed. After hearing speakers, conference would vote on whether they still thought the issue was important, in which case there would be specific reportbacks to the following year’s conference, which would express satisfaction or otherwise.
Once in each parliament all members would be balloted on the party programme: a short summary would be circulated, with the full papers available on the website, and the poll conducted mainly online and by telephone. NEC members’ views were predictable, with some inspired by the spirit of Neil Kinnock and others fearing the final death of democracy.
Some saw contemporary motions as a necessary safety-valve, and the government would not be defeated if it listened; others thought they exposed crude voting power, political weakness and damaging divisions. Perhaps most honestly, party procedures had always involved fixing and this was just a different fix, though Gordon Brown preferred to stress the principled nature of his ideas.
Christine Shawcroft spoke for mainstream activists in asking, in vain, for opportunities to amend or refer back parts of NPF documents rather than yes/no take-it-or-leave-it votes. Indeed the NEC itself was not allowed to vote on the rule changes separately, and the package was carried with four against (Christine, Walter Wolfgang, Dennis Skinner and myself, with Pete Willsman adding belated dissent), in my case mainly because of unhappiness with the process.
The unions have accepted the promise of a review after two years in return for their support, and were right not to threaten to defeat a popular prime minister at his first conference. However I remain concerned that Gordon Brown described this exercise as a model for future policy development. It is bad tactics to exclude people and then to bounce them. I am still pushing for closer links between the NEC and the joint policy committee, including constituency representation, and this may be discussed further, along with Jeremy Beecham’s proposals for reserved places for Scottish and Welsh representatives.
Standing back, I doubt that much of this will matter on the ground. What members want is first, a Labour government that pursues policies of which they generally approve, and second, responses to letters and mails which show that someone has read and understood what they are saying. In ten years of Partnership in Power they have been repeatedly promised proper feedback and real influence. The requirements for success were summed up as resources and trust, and we now have to deliver both.
Harriet in the High Street
Deputy leader Harriet Harman spoke of her campaigning in marginal seats and her work with trade unions, especially in mobilising women members. She found voters’ priorities were housing and youth services, though others reported complaints about broken pavements and immigration, and xenophobia against new eastern European groups. She had asked Operation Black Vote to look at how all-black and ethnic minority shortlists could work in practice, with legislation a possibility.
General secretary Peter Watt reported that resources were in reasonably good shape. The Tories did not seem to want agreement on Hayden Phillips and party funding, but he thought Labour would end up in a position which members would find acceptable. I asked when constituencies would get the extra membership money agreed in the 2005 rule change. This raised standard subscriptions from £24 to £36 and assigned the extra £12 to a campaign fund, held by the national party except in the year of a general election when it is paid to constituencies, giving them £20 instead of £8 per full-rate member. With rumour and speculation rife, local parties need to plan their budgets, but I am now concerned that we may not get the money until after the election. For some of us that will be too late.
Conference Arrangements
The main themes would be education, health, law and order, housing and a strong economy. Though environment was not included, this year’s conference would be greener, with carpeting recycled and exhibitors encouraged to minimise paper and plastic bags. The NEC would propose a rule change allowing the black socialist society executive to attend conference and, in a welcome U-turn, supported a constituency amendment excluding ministers from the conference arrangements committee. The socialist health association’s proposal to change clause IV was opposed, as it would have removed some rather good bits.
Bethnal Green & Bow would be asked to remit their amendment on reducing thresholds for extra women and youth delegates, with an assurance that the NEC would review all thresholds in the light of membership levels. I also hope to look at the interpretation of the gender quota, which permanently bars some constituencies from conference. And finally there _will_ be a national spring conference, in Birmingham, either 14/16 February or 28 February/1 March 2008.
Questions and comments are welcome, and I am happy for this to be circulated to members as a personal account, not an official record. Past reports are at www.annblack.com.